Comments: PAK *dǝwá. Shagirov's etymology (*dǝ 'vein' /see *t:a, not attested in AK; we would rather expect PAK *t:a/ + *wa 'to beat'; see Shagirov 1, 157) seems hardly plausible. Therefore, the Ub. word may be regarded as genetically related to PAK *dǝwá (there are no phonetic contradictions for postulating a common WC sourceform).
Comments: In AT the root has survived only within the Abaz. compound qʷa-di ( < *qʷa-dǝ-jǝ; for the first part see PWC *q́Iʷa 'dead body').
The AK languages have preserved the root within three compounds: PAK *dǝ-jǝ- 'grow numb', *dǝ-q:ǝ- id. (Ad., Kab. dǝq:ǝ-n) and *ħa-dá 'dead body' ( = Abaz. qʷa-di id.) > Ad. ħāda, Kab. ħada. Both AK verbs have been borrowed by Abaz. (Abaz. dǝj-ra,dǝq̇-ra). There are absolutely no reasons to suppose that the PAK *ħadá had been borrowed from Ub. á-dǝja 'dead body' (despite Шагиров 2, 116-117).
Ubykh preserves the root in the reduplicated form (dǝdǝ́- 'grow numb') and in a number of derivates: dǝ-wá- 'to die', dǝ-wá 'death'; dǝ-já (def. á-dǝja) 'dead body', wá-dǝja- 'to perish'. On the possible etymology of the component wa see under *q́Iʷa.
Comments: PAT *fa, PAK *č-xa- (intr.), *č-xǝ- (tr. > Ad., Kab. šxǝ-n), Ub. 1 sg. á-s-fǝ-n (cf. also fǝ 'forage, food'). A rare case of PWC *f. In PAK obviously a compound, but its first component is not yet clear etymologically.
Comments: Cf. also Abkh. Bz. a-gʷagʷaléj / a-gʷagʷaréj 'ring', a-ǵargalás 'ring made of twisted branches', Abaz. ǵaǵa-ra 'to roll, turn round'. Reflected are variants *ǵa(r)ǵa and *gʷa(r)gʷa which are hard to separate from each other. Since there are no AK or Ub. parallels, we can assume both *ǵ (*ǵʷ) and *ḱ: (*ḱ:ʷ) in PWC.
Meaning:1 to stand 2 to stand up 3 upon smth. (preverb)
Abkhaz:a-gǝ́-la-ra 1
Abaza:gǝ-la-za-ra 1
Adyghe:ta-ǯ́ǝ-n 2
Kabardian:ta-ǯǝ-n 2
Ubykh:ǵǝ-
Comments: PAT *gǝ-la- (*-la- is a locative verbal root indicating direction of action). PAK *ta-ǵǝ- (the meaning of the first component is not quite clear - see Шагиров 2, 69 on its possible etymology).
In Ub. the preverb ǵǝ- is used to indicate that the action is taking place on surface of smth. (ǵǝ-s- 'sit upon smth.', ǵǝ-tʷ- 'be upon smth.' etc.). There are reasons to think that the root *gǝ had had this function already in PWC (cf. the common WC compound *gA-LA- 'to fall (from above, from the surface) q.v.).
Comments: PAK *gǝLǝ / *ḳǝLǝ (with a metathesis in Ad.); Ub. a-ḳ́ǝ́Lǝ-n. An expressive root with secondary glottalisation in Kab. (where a variant with voiced *g- is also reflected) and Ub.
Comments: PAK *wǝgǝ- (also a noun *wǝgǝ́ > Ad. wǝǯ́ǝ, Kab. wǝǯ 'round dance with singing'); Ub. sǝ-wǝ́ǵǝ-n (qualified as an Adygh loanword in Vogt 1963, but possibly genuine). *wǝ- is a common WC morpheme with the meaning 'to do, to make (smth.)'; PAT *aga (Abaz. laga is perhaps influenced by lǝg 'slave'?). The same root (reduplicated, or at least constituting the first part of a compound) can be found in PAK *gagʷǝ- 'to play' (Ad. ǯ́agʷǝ-n, Kab. ǯagʷǝ-n), *gágʷǝ 'play, feast, wedding' (Ad. ǯ́agʷ, Kab. ǯagʷ).
The semantic correlation "to dance, play" - "to be silly" recurs in the same root in EC languages as well, thus the relationship between AT and other WC forms seems secure enough.
Comments: PAT *ajǝ-gʷa / *arǝ-gʷa (with pronominal or reflexive prefixation; in Abaz. cf. also ajgʷa 'friend'). The Abkh. form ājgʷa goes back to *ʕa-ajǝ-gʷa with an additional locative prefix.
Comments: PAK *ʎa-gʷa(n)žá (*ʎa 'foot, leg' q.v.). It is hardly possible (for semantic reasons) to compare the AK form with Ub. ǵanć̣á 'handle' (see Shagirov 1977, 249).
Comments: PAT *gʷara; Ub. def. a-gʷā́ʁa. The Kab. word has a specific meaning: 'a place in court, divided into three parts: for the judge, for the accused and for the witnesses'.
Comments: PAT *ɣʷǝ; PAK *p:č́:a-ʁʷǝ́ (where the first part is probably the same as PAK *p:č́:ǝ 'lance', see Bagov 1968). Abdokov (1983, 127) compares the AK and Ub. forms not with AA *ɣʷǝ, but with AA *-ʕʷanǝ in *c̣ʷǝ-ʕʷanǝ 'stake' - which, in our opinion, should be rather derived from PWC *q̇́ʷǝnV 'peg, stake' (q.v.).
